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Our Historical Archive
San Francisco Call Bulletin
June 15, 1917. This article is reprinted below.
Editorial - When Greek Meets Greek
By Jerome B. Landfield
History is making rapidly these days and momentous political and social changes are taking place so fast that it is hard to keep up with
them. Thrones have become slippery seats and the latest occupant of one to step down from his exhalted, if insecure station, is King
Constantine of Greece. The censorship of news from Athens has been very strict during these last months and so we have little definite
information to guide us in our study of recent events there, but it seems evident that the change has been for some time a foregone conclusion
and inevitable, and that it has caused little stir outside the fact that the Kaiser is probably gnashing his teeth at the indignity placed
upon his royal brother-in-law and faithful ally.
Many if the events leading up to the abdication of Constantine are well known to us, however, as well as the facts of the diplomatic situation
underlying it. In the light of these it is interesting to trace the development of the present crisis and its bearing upon the war and the
readjustments that must follow it.
The first question that naturally suggests itself is: Why and by what right were the allied powers in Greece, occupying its territory and
interfering in its government? This question is more pertinent because from time of the landing of the Saloniki expedition German sympathizers
have been busy pointing out that, after all, the case of Belgium and the case of Greece were the same, and that it was hypocritical on the part
of the entente to play up the wrongs of Belgium and harp on the violation of Belgium neutrality, while they themselves were engaged in the same
nefarious business. So much has been made of this, and on the face of it the facts appear so similar, when viewed superficially, that many people
have been convinced; and the spirit of fair play makes them feel that England and France have been guilty of the very crime with which they
charge Germany.
As a matter of fact, however, the case is a very different one, not only as to the circumstances, but as to principle. The neutrality of Belgium
had been guaranteed and for any nation to invade her was to break its solemn obligation. Germany alleged as her excuse for what she admitted to
be a crime the fact of military necessity. But what necessity? Self-defense? No. The necessity of going through Belgium in order to attack France.
Had Belgium permitted this, as demanded by Bethmann-Hollweg, she would herself have been false to her agreement, and would, besides, have become
a German province.
With Greece the case was altogether different. In 1912 she had taken part with her allies, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Montenegro, in a war against
Turkey. While the settlement of this war was still pending Serbia and Greece were attacked by Bulgaria, and with the collapse of the latter,
recognizing the danger of fresh troubles in the Balkans, and mistrusting Austria, Greece and Serbia made an alliance for mutual protection. If
Bulgaria attacked one the other was to come to her assistance. Had Greece then attacked Bulgaria there would be little doubt that Serbia would
have kept her promise faithfully. But not so with Greece. When Serbia, already struggling against overwhelming numbers, was stabbed in the back
by Bulgaria, Greece did not lift a finger to help her. The Greek people and the great Greek statesman, Venizelos, were ready to do so, but other
influences were at work to prevent.
Serbia had three strong allies, but she was cut off from the sea. The only way to bring her assistance was through Saloniki. Serbia's allies did
not demand that Greece keep her agreement with Serbia, but they did demand that she permit them to bring aid through Saloniki. Had her neutrality
been pledged she might have declined on this account. But her neutrality had not been pledged; so far from that, she entered into a treaty with
Serbia that prevented any guarantee of neutrality.
The entente powers dealt very considerately with Greece. She might maintain her neutral attitude and even her civil government in the occupied
territory. They did not require active co-operation. But what did Greece do? Her king kept up constant communication with the German emperor. Saloniki
was a hotbed of German spies. German agents were allowed to carry on a tremendous propaganda throughout Greece and spend vast sums of money for
political corruption. Bands were formed to harass the allies' rear and lines of communication if the opportunity should offer. Fort Rupel, a very
strong fortification covering the valley of the Strums, was surrendered by secret order and whole corps of Greek soldiers with their equipment were
given up to the Germans.
Even then the allies did not occupy Greece, but demanded the demobilization of the Greek army, which was a constant threat to their safety, and the
withdrawal of the German agents. This was enforced by a blockade, and the Greek authorities agreed to yield. But even here they displayed bad
faith.
Meanwhile the strong man of Greece, Venizelos, seeing that the king had seized the government and was ruling unconstitutionally, set up a revolutionary
government at Saloniki. Greek was set against Greek. The allies recognized him and established a neutral zone between Northern Greece and Southern Greece.
But even such an arrangement could not last, for the intrigues of the king continued.
It seems strange that the king should have persisted in this line of conduct, which was bound to lead to his overthrow. It could hardly have been out of
the depth of his affection for his imperial brother-in-law, or, as has been suggested, because he was a henpecked husband. He believed in the invincibility
of Germany. He was assured that Germany would eventually dominate Constantinople. What more natural than that the King of Greece should then be placed on
the throne of Byzantium? An old prophecy had it that Constantine and Sophia should reign there and restore the glories of that Greece which holds the
imagination of all modern Greeks. All that he had to do was to submit under duress to the temporary control of the allies and meanwhile keep up his connections
with Berlin and give what secret aid he might.
But his dream failed. His treachery and that of the little camarilla that surrounded him and thwarted the will of the Greek people has come to naught.
Constantine himself was very popular: the easy success of the Balkan wars had wiped out the stigma of that disgraceful defeat by the Turks in 1897. The
Danish family had become more Greek than the Greeks and had he played his part loyally, his people would have been with him to the end. But he backed the
wrong horse and lost. His mother, the Dowager Queen Olga, is greatly revered in Greece, and looked up to as a saint. She was a Russian Grand Duchess and
greatly loved in Russia, and doubtless while the old regime lasted in Russia the allies could not come to an agreement to depose him, in spite of his
activities on behalf of Germany. With the fall of Nicholas II his last support vanished, and his abdication was only a question of a short time. His eldest
son, George, likewise had strong German leanings and a German education. It was therefore agreed that his second son, Alexander, a youth of 24, should
succeed him.
The way of Greece is simplified. Venizelos will undoubtedly return to his post as premier. He was the wisest statesman in Europe and will resuscitate Greece
from her unfortunate position. She may, of course, retain her status as a neutral, this time with loyalty, but it is far more likely that she will take an
active part in the war, as the followers of Venizelos are already doing, mindful of the fact that in Asia Minor and under the domination of the Sultan are more
Greeks than in Greece itself, and that in the settlement of the war the principles laid down by the allies these fellow countrymen of theirs will have the
opportunity to determine their own allegiance. So far from being a breaking of treaties and a brutal disregard for the rights of peaceful people, like the German
invasion of Belgium, the utilization of Saloniki by the allies to aid Serbia and the desposition of Constantine are steps toward a constitutional government
and the realization of national aims by the people of modern Hellas.
JEROME LANDFIELD
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